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Chapter VII: PRAIRIE SETTLEMENT: AN INTRODUCTION At the outset of 1864, the settlement possibilities for the area surrounding the Victoria mission were largely unknown. Neither the missionaries nor the Hudson's Bay Company officials had as yet firmly established their respective institutions, and in addition, it was not at all clear whether or not the hinterland could support a sizable community. Yet, within a few short years, Victoria became a relatively prosperous centre with a fairly stable population. And by the turn of-the century, immigrants from southeastern Europe were also attracted to the area, thereby augmenting the settlement's already sizeable agricultural community. The questions which naturally arise from all of this are what were the factors that contributed to the settling of Victoria and how typical was the community's development vis-a-vis prairie settlement as a whole? And in light of the settlement's rapid decline in the 1920s, what indeed is the explanation for this phenomenon? The objective of this section is to provide the answers to the above. However, as it has been stated that the peculiarities of prairie settlement will constitute the only meaningful comparison with Victoria, it is appropriate that we briefly outline the former before delving into the latter. By the mid-19th century the prospects for rapid settlement of the Canadian prairies were decidedly grim. The Hudson's Bay Company, which owned virtually all of the land between Hudson's Bay and the Rocky Mountains, was firmly opposed to the advance of the settlement frontier since it would seriously diminish the quantity of fur-bearing animals and consequently reduce profits. As the Company awakened to the possibilities of merchandising, as opposed to a strict reliance on the fur trade, it gradually shifted its position. Nevertheless, by 1869, when Rupert's Land was transferred to the Dominion, it was still largely anti-settlement in outlook. That the northwest became a political issue between Upper and Lower Canada also deferred its initial settlement. There was little agreement as to whether the French or the English would predominate and consequently neither group settled there in any great number.215 A third (start of page 102) factor which tended to check rapid settlement was the ruggedness of the territory between Canada and the Red River. 216 An arduous trek of at least one thousand miles appealed to very few, especially when the prospects for success in the new land were anything but assured. By far the greatest hindrance to prairie settlement, however, was the uncertainty surrounding the agricultural possibilities of the northwest. In 1857 a "Select Committee of the House of Commons" endeavoured to clarify the situation, but its findings were far from conclusive. Those who testified in favour of expanding agricultural settlements tended to overestimate the west's possibilities and usually based their arguments on second-hand information. 217 Those who argued against expansion were equally biased. George Simpson, Governor of Rupert's Land, maintained that the climate of the Saskatchewan country was too rigorous for the cultivation of crops, and that the scarcity of wood only added to the problems any settler would face. 218 The arctic explorer, Sir John Richardson, emphasized the lack of adequate transportation and argued that they would only raise enough to support themselves, but could not export grain without better roads than exist at present...." 219 Confronted with such divergent arguments, the Committee, therefore, did not pronounce on the agricultural suitability of the northwest, but recommended instead that Canada ". . . annex to her territory such portions of the land in her neighbourhood as may be available to her for the purposes of settlement..."220 Unfortunately, the incertitude expressed by the Committee was to prevail in both official and public circles for several years to come. The recommendation that Canada annex new territory spurred the Canadian Government to dispatch several survey expeditions, but none were unequivocal in proposing agricultural settlement and hence few people ventured westward. 221 In Great Britain, the prospects depicted in the above surveys occasioned-even less enthusiasm. There, the concern was for continued good relations with the United States. If one may judge from the Edinburgh Review, projects to settle the northwest were considered wholly impracticable:222
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Not unexpectedly, the purchase of Rupert's Land by the Dominion Government produced a significant change in outlook. Admittedly, the fundamental problems remained the same, namely, lack of adequate transportation facilities, drought and frost difficulties, etc., but no longer was the government, or for that matter private enterprise, willing to sit idly by while a resource of even the most limited potential remained unexploited. In 1872, the Dominion Government responded to the challenge by enacting the Dominion Lands Act. The legislation provided that the newly acquired territory be surveyed according to the rectangular system used in the United States and that certain sections of the township be made available for agricultural settlement. 223 Specifically, all even-numbered sections, with the exception of eight and twenty-six, which were allocated to the Hudson's Bay Company, were to be classified as free homestead land (see Figure 13). All persons twenty-one years of age or over or the head of a family could enter on a free homestead, and provided settlement and cultivation of the land could be proven, a patent was to be issued to the homesteader at the end of three years. Additional provisions of the Act stipulated that the odd-numbered sections were to be reserved for selection as railway land grants and that sections eleven and twenty-nine were to be set aside for schools. Leases were also to be granted for grazing, timber and hay land if the need arose. 224 The Canadian Pacific Railway Company was also taken with the prospects of settling the west. A densely populated prairie would furnish the Company with an assured clientele, and shipment of their produce, be it grains, vegetables or livestock, would provide an additional source of income. In 1880, John Macoun, botanist to the Engineer-in-Chief of the C.P.R., estimated that there were 150,000,000 acres of land fit for agriculture and pasture. 225 Because of his enthusiasm for colonization he probably overestimated the area of cultivatable land available, but his report is indicative of a changed attitude on the part of the eastern establishment. While improved transportation facilities were definitely needed, it was finally admitted that a flourishing agricultural colony could exist on the Canadian prairie. (start of page 105) From 1870 to 1900, the increase in the agricultural population of the northwest was slight. The proposed railway did encourage some settlers to venture west, but Canada's immigration policy, which discriminated against nationalities other than British and American, and the severe economic depression which gripped the western world from 1870 to 1895, actively discouraged any large scale settlement. In addition, the problems associated with farming in a semi-arid environment had not yet been solved. A short growing season, irregular rainfall, and the risk of frost combined to prevent any large scale cultivation of cereal crops. The obstacles to agricultural settlement in the forested areas, such as Victoria, were even greater. The high cost of clearing the land, the slowness with which the land could be made ready for crops, and the high proportion of inferior soil were perhaps the most prohibitive.226 Added to these environmental barriers were the land policies of the Hudson's Bay Company. As part of the purchase price of its chartered rights in Rupert's Land, the Company was given one-twentieth of the "fertile belt" of the northwest, plus select parcels of land surrounding the trading posts, the total not to exceed 50,000 acres. Also, prior to 1906 its general policy was to retain as large a portion of this land as possible for resale in a period of greater prosperity. 227 What little land they did put on the open market was considerably more expensive than Crown-owned property and, in addition, interest was charged on any outstanding balance. In 1879 the terms for purchasing H.B.C. property were defined: Firstly, one-eighth of the purchase price was required as a downpayment; secondly, the balance was to be paid in seven annual installments at seven percent interest; and finally, the purchaser was required to erect fences and buildings on the property.228 The average price for H.B.C. property has been calculated at $12.10 per acre. 229 To a limited extent, then, the above policies further delayed agricultural settlement. 230 If the first period of agricultural settlement, 1870-1900, was marked by both ignorant optimism and overly hesitant pessimism, the second phase, post-1900, delighted in ". . . rising prices for wheat, accompanied by a great rush of immigrants, and by a rapid development of the means of transportation." 231 Readily available free land, the oppressive conditions prevalent in Europe around the turn of the century, and a more lenient immigration policy account for the rapid influx of settlers. Statistics (start of page 106) bear witness to the fact that the immigrants were indeed productive. In 1901 there were 21,105,000 acres of occupied and improved land in the present territory of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta. In 1911 the total equaled 80,482,000 acres while by 1921 it had sky-rocketed to 132,795,000 acres. 232 Predictably, the increasingly permanent nature of western settlement countenanced the growth and development of various social services. Schools, churches, hospitals, etc., sprang up where once there had been but an occasional squatter. In culturally homogeneous communities the settlers tended to establish their own institutional services, in contrast to the more secular institutions of the majority of those who settled in the west. 233 The Mennonites and Mormons typified such behaviour, although to a lesser extent the Ukrainians, Russians and other. Slavic peoples followed a similar pattern. Such then was the pattern of prairie settlement. The turn of the century appears to have been the pivotal point for western immigration and, consequently, the notable improvements in cultivation and production date from that period. The first phase of prairie settlement was more a search for "wood, water, and hay" whereas in the post-1900 period the land was already for the plough." 234 It will now be shown how closely the history of the Victoria settlement corresponded to that outlined above.
Continue to Chapter VIII
Used with permission of Les Hurt and Alberta Community Development. 215. Arthur S. Morton, History of Prairie Settlement (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1938), p. 36 216. Ibid. 217. W. A. Mackintosh, Prairie Settlement: The Geographical Setting (Toronto: The Macmillian Company of Canada Limited, 1934), p. 30. 218. Ibid., p. 29 219. Ibid. 220. Ibid., p. 30 221. In 1857 a survey expedition was dispatched under the direction of George Gladman, with S. J. Dawson as surveyor, H. Y. Hind as geologist and W. H. Napier as engineer. They were to explore the possibilities of constructing a road between Lake Superior and the Red River district. A second expedition headed by Dawson and Hind was sent out in 1858. Their terms of reference were to continue with the road survey and explore portions of the interior. 222. Edinburgh Review CXIX (1864), p. 243. Cited in W. A. Mackintosh Prairie Settlement: The Geographical Setting, p. 39. 223. Chester Martin, Dominion Land Policy (Toronto: McClelland and Steward Limited, 1973), p. 18. 224. A.S. Morton, History of Prairie Settlement, p. 53. 225. W. A. Mackintosh, Prairie Settlement: The Geographical Setting, p. 40. 226. Ibid., p. 138.. 227. John S. Galbraith, "Land Policies of the Hudson's Bay Company 1870 - 1913." Canadian Historical Review XXXIII (1951), pp. 6 and 18. One of the limitations of Lord Strathcona's new land policy announced on July 2, 1906, was that not more than 1/2 section of H.B.C. property was to be sold to any individual purchaser. 228. Ibid., p. 6. 229. Chester Martin, Dominion Lands Policy, p. 26. 230. John S. Galbraith argues that since the H.B.C. considered its land as part of the purchase price for extinction of its rights in Rupert's Land, it was naturally concerned with obtaining maximum revenue for the land sales, and such behaviour should only be expected of "an intelligently directed business enterprise." "Land Policies of the H.B.C., 1870-1913," p. 21. 231. A. S. Morton, History of Prairie Settlement, p. 174. 232. W. A. Machintosh, Prairie Settlement: The Geographical Setting, p. 58. 233. C. A. Dawson, Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities in Western Canada (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1936), pp. 378 - 379. 234. R. W. Murchie, Agricultural Progress on the Prairie Frontier (Toronto: The Macmillian Company of Canada Limited, 1936), p. 8
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