River Lot Three,
Victoria Settlement
History /
Land Use History
by John Grigsby Geiger
(used with permission.)
Part One: 1865-1902
Victoria Settlement, in the fertile valley of the North Saskatchewan River, is "one of the oldest settlements in the North West."1 The system of river lots was introduced by the first Metis immigrants to the area who arrived in 1865 and settled east of the Hudson's Bay Company's Fort Victoria and the Methodist Mission founded by Rev. George McDougall. The fort itself was a response by the Hudson's Bay Company to the encroachment of free traders, independent fur traders, into the upper Saskatchewan district.2 What was to become River Lot Three appears to have been occupied from the time of the settlement's founding. At least one known resident of the property, Joseph Favel, can be placed at Victoria at the time of the onslaught of the small pox epidemic in 1870.3 On the instructions of McDougall the mission was closed and settlers and natives urged to scatter and seclude themselves in the nearby woods to avoid exposure to the contagion.4 Although 55 died, those who survived returned to Victoria and when Sandford Fleming's trans-Canada expedition visited the settlement in 1872, an account noted "the log-houses of the English and Scotch half-breeds, intermingled with the tents of the Crees, extend in a line from this west end along the bank of the river, each man having frontage on the river..." 5 The community was described as consisting of between twenty and thirty Metis families, and from ten to a hundred tents of the Cree, according to the time of year. Cultivation of the land was on a limited scale, as "the men prefer hunting buffalo, fishing, or freighting for the Company to steady agricultural labour."6 However, grain was planted "in a little hollow that runs behind the houses, beneath the main rise of the ridge." 7 An analysis of the development of Victoria Settlement concludes
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that "the main cause of an expansion of cultivation was the increasing difficulty of obtaining winter food supplies from buffalo and game."8 A 1878 survey suggests three residences existed on what was to become River Lot Three, belonging to Andrew Spence, George Spence and Joseph Favel. 9
The Spences may have been descended of George Spence Sr., a colonist at Red River Settlement, and his father, James Spence Sr., an Orkneyman who had been in charge of
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Buckingham House at the time of his death in 1795.10 As late as 1878 Andrew Spence hauled freight for the Hudson's Bay Company, 11 but the Edmonton Bulletin reported his death at Victoria on 12 Dec. 1880 after a "long and lingering illness" leaving a wife and six small children.12 A grave marker for George Spence is located in the Victoria Park Cemetery, showing he died in 1906 aged 57 years. Favel (spelling also Favell, Favoll) likewise had his origins at Red River 13 and was descended of John Favell Jr., the son of a slopseller who worked his way through Hudson's Bay Company ranks to the position of deputy at Albany Fort. Joseph Favel served in various capacities for the Hudson's Bay Company, first as a steersman in 1859 at Fort Garry, later working out of Norway House, Edmonton and Rocky Mountain House. 8 In 1870, just as small pox ravaged the settlement, he signed on as a guide and trader at Fort Victoria. A sinister reference to Favel is found in the narrative The Great Lone Land, where, in making for Victoria that year, the author, Capt. (later General Sir) William F. Butler, describes being "honoured by peculiar company at our dinner... there came an ill-looking fellow of the name of Favel, who at once proceeded to make himself at his ease beside us." Upon arrival the following day at Victoria intelligence was provided that "this individual bore a deeper brand than that of small-pox upon him, inasmuch as a couple of years before he had foully murdered a comrade in one of the passes of the Rocky Mountains when returning from British Columbia."14 This grim episode, if true, had little impact on Favel's prospects for promotion, as in July 1876 he was elevated to the post of clerk-in-charge.15 Richard Hardisty, the Company's chief factor at Fort Edmonton subsequently offered Favel an assignment on a Company steamboat, but health problems forced Favel to
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decline. In a letter to Hardisty from Victoria, dated 30 March 1879, Favel explained, "I have made up my mind to go to Red River this summer if I live."16 Steamboat navigation on the Saskatchewan River had been inaugurated by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1874, 17 and Favel overcame his affliction to become the "pioneer steamboat pilot on the Saskatchewan", serving on a succession of vessels, the North-West, the Lily, the Marquis and the famed Northcote, from 1880-85.18 Despite his prowess, the river offered formidable obstacles to navigation, and posed many hazards. On 19 April 1883, the North-West, with Favel as pilot, encountered difficulty at the rapids near Victoria, according to an account in the Edmonton Bulletin, "just as the boat was getting over the rapids the stern swung around and struck a rock which broke the rudder irons and locked the wheel so the latter would not work. She then drifted down broadside over the rapids. The anchor was thrown out but it would not catch. Fortunately the boat was not injured and was finally landed..."19 Joseph Favel, or his son, also retained an interest in the land, and signed a petition by the "settlers of Victoria" requesting relief after crop failure. The plea won the support of NWMP Supt. Greisbach in recognition of the settlers' loyalty during the 1885 rebellion.20 News of the killings at Frog Lake first reached Victoria and was conveyed to Edmonton by the Methodist Rev. J.A. McLachlan, who also reported "the Victoria people are very much afraid and desire to remove to Edmonton."21 Some of the residents did flee to Edmonton, others took to the woods. On 6 May, a scout confirmed "there are no settlers at Victoria now." There were reports that Big Bear's band members had "killed cattle and plundered houses" in Victoria. Major Sam Steele, whose Scouts reached Victoria in advance of the Alberta Field Force commanded by Major-General T. Bland Strange, noted that "round the fort and on the river bank [were] clustered thatched log houses."22 Strange himself judged Victoria "a very lovely place," but took pity on the frightened settlers, the "poor people, who have been hiding in the woods."23 Early in the Rebellion, Favel reported seeing "a suspicious looking fellow," who from his appearance and conversation he took to be a scout from hostile Indian camps at Battleford or Pitt, "he was an Indian dressed as a white man with a broad
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brimmed hat and a belt full of cartridges."24
Favel's service with the Company culminated with the commission of Captain of the S.S. Grahame, a sternwheeler river boat plying the Slave-Athabasca-Clearwater
Rivers.25 Favel arrived at Fort Chipewyan in June 1884 and was "much surprised to see such a fine steamer as the Grahame so far north, and considers her a credit to the man who built her as well as to the H.B. Co., which owns
her."26 In his Inspection Report on Northern Transport, March 1893,
James MacDougall wrote "Captain Favel is about 65 years of age, handles the boat fairly well, and is careful and economical but is lacking in discipline. Any ill effects of the latter however are obviated by the presence of the District Officer who is usually on board. The arrangement with regard to Favel is economical and satisfactory but he will probably not long be able to continue at the
work..."27 In the spring of 1883, Dominion
Land Surveyors George B. Abrey and J.J. McArthur ran a baseline in the area of the
settlement.28 Tom Kains, D.L.S., conducted the Victoria Settlement Survey of the nine original lots in 1884.
Kains was instructed to run the property lines due north, but discovered the order would have caused boundary disputes if followed, noting that
"Victoria improvements are made at right angles to river which bears north twenty east... if lines run due north each settler takes half his neighbors
farm."29 As a result
the lines were made to run perpendicular to the river. River Lot Three was 181 acres, the second largest.
The property was bisected by the historic Victoria (Carlton) Trail.
His 1885 map depicts improvements consisting of six structures on the property, all located on the river plateau. Kains' Field Notes indicate three houses, and notes Abrey had purchased land from Joe Favel Sr. & Jr., and widow
Spence.30 A 1886 report to the
Minister of the Interior states that, "During the 'boom' of 1882, a large percentage of those entitled to land there, sold out their claims to a syndicate of speculators and took land further up the
river."31 The name Joseph Favell appears on the 1897 Plan of
Lobstick Settlement conducted by J.E. Woods, D.L.S., as owner of River Lot Thirteen.
Mrs. Andrew Spence was also confirmed to have resettled up river of Victoria
Settlement.32 Abrey's claim to River Lot Three was acknowledged in Dominion Lands
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correspondence dated 1897. 33 But for scattered cultural materials, subsequent farming activity has obscured the remains of several of these earliest residential structures on River Lot Three, except a large foundation which remains clearly visible in an area spared cultivation, possibly representing Favel's or one of the Spence houses from the 1878 survey.
There is, however, a surviving log house seemingly dating to the earliest period of settlement at Victoria. In a published history of Victoria Settlement and Pakan written by prominent area pioneer Frank Mitchell, the log residence on River Lot Three - "a half a mile from Pakan, on the Cromarty farm" - is described as being "the old
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McGillvery house".34 Further information about the structure, and a photograph, appear in an unpublished assessment of Victoria Settlement carried out by the Alberta
Historic Sites Service. "This house, built between 1873 and 1896 was originally located on lot 7, Victoria Settlement. It has subsequently been
moved..."35 Indeed, two log structures, described as a store and a house, are shown on River Lot Seven and in the name of E. McGillivray in the 1878 survey.
Another early resident, Andrew [Ally]
McGillivray, recalled "that home was built by the McGillivray's," identifying it specifically as "the one that Billy Cromarty lived in for
years,"36 this being a reference to William Cromarty, who assumed title to River Lot Three in 1920.
Andrew's father was Simon McGillivray, who from 1890-92 carried mail from Victoria to Fort
Saskatchewan and Lac La Biche, and hauled freight from Victoria, Edmonton and Lac La
Biche 37 and in 1892 became the first operator of the Pakan
ferry.38 Kains' notebook, and settlement records, however, indicate Simon's father, Edward McGillivray, held the original title to River Lot Seven, and the structure on River Lot Three appears to have been his onetime residence. Edward McGillivray is descended of one of the eminent families of the fur trade.
Edward's father, also named Simon, was chief trader for the
Hudson's Bay Company at Lac La Pluie (Rainy Lake), and chief factor at New
Caledonia.39
Edward's grandfather, Hon. William McGillivray, was a wintering partner, superintendent of northwestern trade, and finally chief director of the North West
Company. Later, he served as a director of the Hudson's Bay Company. Fort William, the
NWC depot on Lake Superior, was named for him.40 The McGillivray family's origins as
North Saskatchewan traders dates to the 1790s and Edward's great uncle, Duncan
McGillivray, who served as clerk at the North West Company's Fort George. He noted that within two days ride of the fort were bison, "numerous as the locusts of Egypt," and described the region to the west of Fort George as "a rich and plentiful country, abounding with all kinds of animals especially Beavers & Otters, which are said to be so numerous that the Women & children kill them with Sticks and
hatchets."41 This is the country into which Edward McGillivray would later come. Born in 1816, Edward joined
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the service of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1836, after its merger with the North West Company, and was listed as a labourer at Esquimaux Bay the following year. Various positions followed, including bowsman in the Athabasca district, an interpreter at McKenzie River, postmaster in the Cumberland district, and finally clerk-in-charge at Jack Fish Lake, Lac la Biche and Lesser Slave Lake.42 Retiring in 1874, Edward, his wife Isabella, and children Simon, Annie and Montrose, settled at Victoria Settlement where he followed family tradition by setting up as an independent fur trader.43 Referred to in a letter from John Bunn, clerk at Victoria, to Richard Hardisty as an unwanted "appendage,"44 McGillivray in 1877 entered into partnership with the free trader and prominent early Edmonton merchant John A. McDougall, who described McGillivray as an "old Hudson Bay Officer...He is very rich now, worth fully sixty thousand dollars but he wants more..."45 McDougall, McGillivray and a third partner, John A. Davidson, bought out two traders working in the Slave Lake area, accumulating "5 boats for carrying goods, 2 trading posts, 1 at Slave Lake and 1 at White Fish Lake 45 miles apart - horses and dog trains also."46 McGillivray was no longer a minor irritant to the Hudson's Bay Company, but according to Richard Hardisty "the strongest opponent the officer in charge of Victoria had to contend against."47 In a 5 June 1878 letter, Hardisty informed James A. Grahame, chief commissioner at Carlton, that as a condition of the pension McGillivray was granted on retirement from the Company, "he was made to understand that he was not to meddle in the fur trade. I have been informed on good authority that during the past winter, he received supplies from Stobart (Eden & Co.) and traded furs in opposition to the Hudson's Bay Company with these supplies."48 On 3 July, Grahame wrote Hardisty to confirm McGillivray "will be warned" that if he continued to "dabble in the Fur Trade"49 his pension would be withdrawn. A second letter that day informed McGillivray that Hardisty had learned he had "traded Furs in opposition to us," and inquired "Is this the case? for if so I will have no alternative left me except to recommend the withdraw! of your Pension which I would much regret to be compelled to do."50 McGillivray responded in a 13 August letter from Victoria with a
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rambling explanation that he had been approached by a Stobart's agent who offered 12 bags of pemmican to sell, but "I for my part would have nothing to do with the business." Sadly, "my Step Son without consulting me took the pemmican." Because the young man was of age, "it is I think unfair that he should not be allowed to try and do something for himself," McGillivray continued. Besides, "what could I do towards looking after the duties of this place if he was to leave me. I pay him no wages." Then, in a play for sympathy, Edward described being thrown from his wagon three nights earlier "into the middle of the road on my back amongst the ruts where I lay for twenty minutes unable to move or speak." He suffered some paralysis on the right side and predicted grimly "I think that fall will shorten my days."51 Satisfied with the explanation, Grahame
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informed Hardisty "I do not think he will let anything of the kind happen
again."52
Another letter from Hardisty was already in the post, however, revealing, "Mr.
McGillivray has again brought up an Outfit and cannot but dabble in the
Trade."53 Indeed, his association with McDougall continued. McGillivray was among the seven sleigh-loads of people from Victoria who arrived on Christmas Eve for the holiday week festivities at
Fort Edmonton in 1879. He figures in the letters of Lovisa McDougall, John A.'s wife,
who reported that, "he is our visitor until after New Years." Among the social calls made by McGillivray was an evening at the fort with Col. James Green Stewart, a commissioned officer of the Hudson's Bay Company who had been appointed Indian Agent for the Edmonton
District.54 Perhaps as a result of the visit, McGillivray served as
Indian agent at Victoria from 1880-81, his activities centered around feeding destitute
Indians, forced to abandon their nomadic traditions and adopt an alien lifestyle after the signing of Treaty Number Six in 1878. The Indian Department soup kitchen at Victoria inspired a slight altercation when the natives "grumbled about the quality" of the fare and argued it didn't equal the wood and water they had furnished for its preparation.
Soon, however, it was doing "a rushing business under the superintendence of Mr.
McGillivray," although there still remained "a great deal of
sickness."55 McGillivray also served as Justice of the Peace, and in one notorious case was forced to issue a warrant for the arrest of a Mr. Higgins, the former instructor at Saddle lake Indian farm, after he had refused to give up his post until he received back pay and a passage to
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Ottawa.56 The recalcitrant instructor was soon brought to justice. McGillivray's activities during the period were studiously documented in newspaper accounts. In one report, a $50 bet was placed on his mare "Pussy" in a trotting match which failed to come off as the opponent backed out at the last moment. In another, McGillivray had a valuable mare killed by wolves, and a later account noted 13 other horses were killed by disease. Happier news was reported on 27 January 1883 when his daughter Annie was married at the Methodist church in Edmonton and marked by a grand procession of 20 stylish cutters, with "fancy horses, tons of colored ribbon and numbers of pleased young people such as the steady going inhabitants of this quiet burgh do not often see."57 The dancing lasted three days, and Mrs. George McDougall, whose husband had baptized Annie, donated the flour to make the dainties.58 In 1882 McGillivray had two houses built,59 and a January 1887 account describes free trader G.F. Tupper as operating a trading outfit in McGillivray's old home." 60 During the North-West Rebellion, he, his family, and presumably his gardener,61 were driven from their homes "through fear of the Indians," although "their stock remains at Victoria." McGillivray's son Simon reported four Indians from Big Bear's band were in the vicinity of Victoria, having arrived at Whitefish Lake, "well mounted on fat horses, well armed" and as it turned out, well dressed, one festooned in "full police uniform, even to the white gauntlet." He said they had tried to kill trader Adam Howse, whose life was saved by the Whitefish band's Chief Pakan 62, who was latered honoured by Victoria settlers for his loyalty to the Crown when, to avoid confusion with Victoria, British Columbia, the settlement's first post office was named Pakan. McGillivray was ailing, and in July 1887, Lovisa McDougall recorded a visit to him with her husband: "Johnnie and me went out to see old Mr. McGilvery & took him a bottle of wine & a lot of reading matter. He is splendid company, but he is paralyzed in both legs & cannot walk. He is 71 years old. [He] was at school at Lachine near Montreal 50 years ago."63 Simon saw to it that McGillivray's house was on occasion the centre of major community functions, as attested to by entries in the Hudson Bay Company's Fort Victoria Journal for 1 Jan. 1891, recording "a big dance this evening at McGillverys and everybody has to attend." The next day's entry reads "long
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sleep this morning after the dance."64 McGillivray was "well known throughout the Saskatchewan valley during the '70s,"65 but by the time of his death on 2 February 1896. at 80, Edward McGillivray had fallen on hard times, "by too great liberality and careless management consequent on failing powers, his means were spent, so that he came to be in very reduced circumstances." The paralysis of his lower limbs rendered him "entirely helpless," as a result he was taken in by the Catholic mission at St. Albert, where he died. "He was a very active man in his time, an excellent trader, well informed and a good conversationalist, and his mind and eye sight were unimpaired to the last," read McGillivray's death notice in the Edmonton Bulletin. In 1898 Simon McGillivray also left Victoria Settlement, having obtained legal entry to a homestead near Andrew, Alberta.66
Part Two: 1902-1920
Settlement records in the Provincial Archives of Alberta for 1902 list the name of the owner of River Lot Three, Victoria Settlement as James Alexander
Kennedy.67 In his study of Victoria Settlement, Leslie J. Hurt argues that the decision to register homestead claims was taken in response to those registered by Ukrainians in the area, and "it seems clear that most of those who entered these claims had lived on and farmed their respective plots for some time, but had never bothered to legalize their
holdings."68 The relatively brief interval between Abrey's confirmation of title in
1897. and Kennedy's entry in 1902, suggest River Lot Three may have been an exception to this pattern. Here again, there is an association with the fur trade. James
Kennedy was the son of George Kennedy, the last clerk of Fort Victoria (1893-99).
Kennedy Sr. served in the capacity of postmaster, clerk or trader at a variety of
Hudson's Bay Company posts in Athabasca, Peace River and Edmonton districts, culminating with the appointment at
Victoria.69 A photograph of George and his entire family (incl. James) has
survived.70 An obituary in the Edmonton Journal on 19 Aug.
1930, and an article on 20 Aug., for George Kennedy "veteran of pioneer trails and resident of the Peace River district during the distant Sixties", names the children who
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survived him, including James A. It also indicates James' maternal great grandfather was chief factor of Fort Augustus. This Metis heritage, and ancestral ties with the
Hudson's Bay Company extend through his grandfather, Philip Kennedy, born at
Cumberland House and later resident at Red River, and more notably his great-grandfather, Alexander Kennedy, an Orkneyman who attained the rank of chief factor at
Cumberland House, and Councilor to the Governors of the Territories of the
H.B.C..71 River Lot Three is significant not only for its unique association with the trade for furs and its history, but the subsequent transition of Victoria Settlement from an outpost of the fur trade (lastly represented by George Kennedy), to an agricultural community (as represented by James Alexander Kennedy). Such a development mirrors broader economic changes underway throughout the North West with the ebb of the fur trade. In
1905 and 1906, J. Kennedy was listed in Henderson's Gazetteer and Directory (Pakan entry) as an implements dealer and farmer, and later, in 1911, as owner of a general store. George Kennedy, who retired from the H.B.C. in 1903, is first listed as trader, in
1908 as owner of a general store, and in 1911 as an implements dealer. Dept. of the
Interior records from 24 July 1906 show James Alexander Kennedy as being single, and age 25. He obtained entry to homestead on 4 March, 1902, and reports a log residence
was built commencing July 1903. Two cow stables, a store house, one mile of rail fence, and a well are also listed on the lot. In 1906 Kennedy had five horses and 22 cattle, and nine acres under
cultivation.72 Three of the log structures which remain on River Lot
Three are those described in Kennedy's accompanying documentation, although the house appears to predate his ownership. Characteristics of the two-storey hewn log-residence, including a decorative bead on ceiling joists like those on the beams of the rectory of Fort
Dunvegan, suggest a construction date earlier than 1903. Roman numerals carved by knife on exterior logs are on either side of doors and windows. Alterations have been made to door and window configurations. When Kennedy reported he "built" his house commencing in 1903, he in fact adapted an existing building of some age, as has been argued, "the old McGillvery
house".73 The existence of a complete homestead appears unique among the few surviving architectural remnants of Victoria Settlement. The house itself sits as once did all the settlement's log houses, at the top of the North
Saskatchewan River bank, and directly adjacent to the trail. The residence was chinked and daubed, then whitewashed on the exterior, with interior walls plastered and whitewashed. Squared nails are used in the structure. Unlike the house, which is of hewn
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spruce, the summer kitchen was built of poplar, squared nails were also used in its construction. The interior walls were plastered and whitewashed. The logs used in the construction of the barn have characteristics suggesting an earlier use, and are of hewn spruce. As with the house, further investigation of architectural features of each building may assist in ascertaining its approximate date of construction. The store house, utilizing different log construction methods, dates much later, to the 1930s. 74 Kennedy's residence, in relation to other residences and establishments in Pakan, is shown on a map of the community during the period 1910-15. 75 Kennedy's title to
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River Lot Three was canceled and new certificate issued to William C. Cromarty on Dec.
27, 1920. In 1930, James Alexander Kennedy was a resident of Edmonton.76
Part Three: 1920-1976
The Cromarty name, like those of Favel, Spence, McGillivray and Kennedy, is prominent in the history of the trade for furs and of Victoria Settlement. Under the cross in the 1906 Pakan Church is a plaque dedicated to the memory of "The Magnus Cromarty family." Magnus, the father of William Charles [Billy] Cromarty, owned the first steam-powered thresher in the area, 77 and is listed as owner of River Lot Twelve in the map by J.E. Woods' of his 1896 Victoria Settlement extension. Magnus Cromarty was the son of an Orkneyman who served as chief factor at the Hudson Bay Company's Fort Churchill.78 William's eight children were born at River Lot Three.79 The family occupied the house and summer kitchen. As the name suggests, the summer kitchen was used for cooking, but the six Cromarty boys also slept there during the summer months.80 A 1925 aerial photograph depicts a private access to the river at the front of the property which was used to water the horses and cattle, and to haul river water up ^ for the garden. A private road on the property, through the forested north slope of the river valley, was developed in response to the long, narrow configuration of the lot, and was used to take horses and equipment up to the north field where a parcel of approximately 40 acres had been cleared for agricultural use. Thirty acres of that land north of road plan 2743 C.L. remained in bush.81 A further 21-acre parcel, the land furthest from the river, was turned over to the Victoria Public Cemetery Company in 1923. Now called the Pakan Asphodel Cemetery, William Cromarty, who passed away in 1950, is buried there. Subsequently, a 16.88 acre portion of the 21-acres was sold under separate title. The small remnant portion remains dedicated to the purpose of a cemetery today. In 1922 and 1923 the title to River Lot Three was made subject to a caveat for taxes by the M.D. of Smoky Lake. In 1924 title reverted to M.D. of Smoky Lake, and two years later was held by William's brother, Edward Cromarty. Henry Cromarty, son of William, obtained title in 1947 under the auspices of the Veterans Land Act. Prior to the Second World War, the family had constructed a new log barn,
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which later burned to the ground following a lightening strike. A log store house was also constructed during the 1930s, replacing that built by Kennedy. Further improvements were added in 1948/49, including a new residence, and garage. 82 The entire north field was placed under cultivation. 83 This represented the most intensive period of
agricultural use of River Lot Three, although the north slope of the river valley remained an example of the continuous, predominantly aspen poplar cover which characterized the early settlement. With completion of the new dwelling, residential use of the old house ceased, and together with the summer kitchen, it was used for storage. The original barn remained in use as late as 1964, as did the store house, which served as a chicken house. 84 River Lot Three remained in the Cromarty family until 1976 when it was sold by Henry Cromarty.
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Endnotes:
1. Letter of W.M. Pearce. Superintendent of Mines. 31 October, 1886. Sessional Papers 7, Vol. XX, No. 6, 1887. Department of the Interior, Report of the land Board. Cited in: Ironside. R.G. & E. Tomasky. Development of Victoria Settlement. Alberta Historical Review 19. Spring 1971. pp. 20-29
2. Hurt, Leslie J. The Victoria Settlement 1862-1922. Historic Sites Service; Occ. Paper No. 7, 1979. p. 65
3. Favel signed a contract as guide and trader at Victoria on 26 May 1870. Source: Biographical sheet, Joseph Favel, Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
4. Ibid. pp. 23-24
5. Grant, George M. Ocean to Ocean, Edmonton: Hurtig, 1967. p. 175.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. Ironside, R.G. & E. Tomasky. Development of Victoria Settlement. Alberta Historical Review 19. Spring 1971. pp. 20-29
9. Topographical traverse, Victoria Settlement, W.F. King, 1878. Alberta Transportation. Surveys and Mapping Branch.
10. Biographical sheets, James Spence Sr. and George Spence, Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
11. Letter from William R. Brereton to Richard Hardisty, 21 May 1878. Glendbow-Archives.
12. Edmonton Bulletin. 10 January 1881.
13. Erasmus, Peter. Buffalo Days and Nights, Glenbow-Alberta Institute. 1976. p. 223.
14. Butler, William F. The Great Lone Land. Sampson. Low. Marston, Low & Searle. 1874. p. 253.
15. Biographical sheets, Joseph Favel, Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
16. Letter from Joseph Favel to Richard Hardisty, 30 March 1879. Glenbow-Albena Archives.
17. Forsman. Michael R.A.. The Archaeology of Victoria Post. 1864-1897. Archaeological Survey of Alberta Manu. Series No 6 1985 p. 10
18. Edmonton Bulletin, 13 December 1880, 20 May 1882, 2 December 1882.
19. Edmonton Bulletin, 6 May 1883
20. On 9 Feb. 1 889 Greisbach wrote the Commissioner of the force that such aid from the Minister of the Interior would help avert "great distress hereafter among these people who were loyal during the Rebellion." RCMP Papers. Annual Report of Supt A.H. Greisbach, Sessional Papers.
21. Edmonton Bulletin, 18 April 1885
22. Sleele, Sam. Forty Years in Canada, p. 72
23. Strange, T. Bland. Gunner Jingo's Jubilee, p. 463. University of Alberta Press. l988.
24. Edmonton Bulletin, 1 1 April 1885
25. Biographical sheet, Joseph Favel, Hudson s Bay Company Archives. Ship s history sheet, S.S. Grahame. Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
26. Edmonton Bulletin. 13 September 1884
27. Ibid.
28. Doyle, W. Brian. The Victoria (Pakan) River Lot Settlement Survey. Unpublished mss. 1988.
29. Telegram from Tom Kains to Capt. Deville, 13 Oct. 1 885. Reproduced in: Doyle, W. Brian. The Victoria (Pakan) River Lot Settlement Survey. Unpublished mss. 1988.
30. Tom Kains. Field Notes. 1884, Alberta Transportation, Surveys and Mapping Branch.
31. Letter from VV.M. Pearce, Supt. of Mines, to Hon. T. White. Minister of the interior, 31 Oct. 1886. Sessional papers 7. Vol. XX. No. 6. 1887. Dept. of the Interior. Report of the Land Board.
32. Hurt, Leslie J, The Victoria Settlement 1862-1922, Historic Sites Service; Occ. Paper No. 7, 1979. p. 111
33. Dominion Lands Branch, Department of the Interior, Victoria Settlement, 1894, 1896, 1897. B1 (a) Vol. 117
34. Mitchell, Frank E. A History of Pioneering in the Pakan District. 1974. p. 47
35. Victoria Settlement Historic Park: A proposal for development and integration of existing historical resources. Unpublished report. Historic Sites Section. Provincial Museum and Archives of Alberta. Feb. 16, 1972.
36. Conversation with Garth Snyder on Dec. 1 3, 1 993. A member of the Cromarty family, Snyder met and spoke with Andrew McGillivray about Pakan in 1980.
37. Fort Victoria Journal. City of Edmonton Archives, 8 Sept. 1890, 31 Oct. 1890, 8 March 1891, 8 June 1891, 19 Dec. 1891.
38. Edmonton Bulletin, 27 June 1892. See also Hurt, Leslie J. The Victoria Settlement 1862-1922, Historic Sites Service, Occ. Paper No. 7, 1979.p.112
39. H.B.R.S. Vol. I, appendix, p.451. Biographical card, Edward McGillivray, Historic Sites Service.
40. Marsh, James (ed.) Canadian Encyclopedia. Second Edition. Hurtig Publishers. Vol. 2 p. 1266. Also, McGillivary Family History, Clarence Kipling Papers, in Charles D. Denney Papers, Glenbow Archives.
41. Kidd. Robert S.. Fort George and the Early Fur Trade in Alberta. Provincial Museum and Archives of Alberta. Publication No. 2. 1970. p. 7
42. Biographical sheet, Edward McGillivray, Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
43. Erasmus, Peter. Buffalo Days and Nights, Glenbow-Alberta Institute. 1976. p. 222
44. Letter from John Bunn to Richard Hardisty , 27 Jan. 1874, R. Hardisty Papers, File 233, Box 8, Glenbow-Alberta Institute.
45. Letter from John A. McDougall to Lovisa Amey, 25 Jan. 1877. Cited in: MacGregor, J.G. Edmonton Trader: The Story of John A. McDougall, McClelland & Stewart Ltd. 1963. p.75
46. Ibid.
47. Letter from Richard Hardisty to James A. Grahame. 5 June 1878. D.20/10, fo. 1 59-1 59d. Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
48. Ibid.
49. Letter from James A. Grahame to Richard Hardisty. 3 July 1878. 0.14/4. fo. 339. Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
50. Letter from James A. Grahame to Edward McGillivray, 3 July 1878. D.14/4. fo. 338d. Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
51. Letter from Edward McGillivray to James A. Grahame, 13 August 1878. D. 20/11, fo.38-39d. Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
52. Letter from James A. Grahame to Richard Hardisty, 28 Sept. 1878. D.I4/4, fo. 451 & 452d. Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
53. Letter from Richard Hardisty to James A. Grahame, 2 Sept. 1878. D.20/1 1, fo. 164. Hudson's Bay Company Archives. .."
54. McCrum. Elizabeth M. (ed.) Letters of Lovisa McDougall. 1878-1887. Provincial Archives of Alberta Occ. Paper No 1, 1978. p. 37
55. Edmonton Bulletin. 3 January. 14 February. 14 March 1881
56. Edmonton Bulletin, 18 November 1882
57. Edmonton Bulletin, 10 January 1881, 4 March 1882, 27 January, 31 March 1883
58. Undated reporters' account of a meeting between an elderly Annie McGillivray Logan and Magistrate Emily Murphy. Collection of Eileen (McGillivray) McConnell, St. Paul.
59. Edmonton Bulletin, 22 July 1882
60. Hurt, Leslie J. The Victoria Settlement 1862-1922, Historic Sites Service, Occ. Paper No. 7, 1979. p. 75
61. Undated reporters' account of a meeting between an elderly Annie McGillivray Logan and Magistrate Emily Murphy. Collection of Eileen (McGillivray) McConnell, St. Paul.
62. Edmonton Bulletin, 2 May 1885
63. McCrum, Elizabeth M. (ed.) Letters of Lovisa McDougall, 1878-1887. Provincial Archives of Alberta, Occ. Paper No 1 1978. p. 70
64. Fort Victoria Journal. City of Edmonton Archives. I Jan. 1891. 2 Jan 1981 9 Feb 1892
65. Edmonton Bulletin 3 February 1896
66. Family papers. Eileen (McGillivray) McConnell, St. Paul.
67. River Lot Book One. Settlement Index, Victoria and Lobstick, Provincial Archives of Alberta fip
68. Hurt, Leslie J. The Victoria Settlement 1862-1922. Historic Sites Service. Occ. Paper No. 7. 19/9. p. 134
69. Biographical sheet. George Kennedy, Hudson's Bay Company Archives. Also Correspondence. 20 August, 1993, Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
70. Provincial Archives of Alberta, B. 7407
71. For biographical summary of career of Alexander Kennedy see: Hudson's Bay Record Society, Vol. II
72. Dept. of the Interior, Fiat for Patent, Provincial Archives of Alberta, No. 84. 119
73. Mitchell, Frank E. A History of Pioneering in the Pakan District. 1974. p. 47.
74. Conversation with Henry Cromarty, Smoky Lake, 7 August 1994
75. For redrawn version of map see: Hurt, Leslie J. The Victoria Settlement 1862 - 1922, Historic Sites Services, Occ. Paper No. 7, 1979. p. 144
76. Edmonton Journal, 19 August 1930
77. Hurt, Ibid.
78. Edmonton Journal, 1942.
79. Conversation with Henry Cromarty, Smoky Lake, 27 Sept. 1993
80. lbid.
81. Aerial photograph. 28/06/2S. Roll CA 127; Print S3. Alberta Forestry, Lands and Wildlife, Land Information Services
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